இறந்த மொழியின் இறவாக்கவிஞன்

தன் காவியத்தை தானே நெருப்பிலிட்டு அழித்த காவிய மேதை குணாட்யன் நினைவுகள் என்னை ஒரு வாரமாக அலைக்கழித்துக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது. ஆராய்ச்சியாளர்கள் அந்நூல் கிடைத்திருந்தால் அதுதான் மானுடத்தின் மிகப்பெரிய தொல்நூலாக இருந்திருக்கும் என கருதுகிறார்கள். அவர் எழுதிய பைசாசி என்கிற மொழி, ஒரு மர்மமான மொழி.

அந்த மொழியை குறிக்கும் பைசாசி எனும் பெயர் கூட பிசாசு என்ற சொல்லிலிருந்து வந்ததுதான் எனும் போது, அந்த மொழியும் அதைப் பேசிய மக்களும் எவ்வாறு பிற சமூகத்தால் புறக்கணிக்கப்பட்டனர் என்று நீங்களே மதிப்பீடு செய்யலாம்.

பைசாசி பேசப்பட்டது என்பதற்கோ, எழுதப்பட்டது என்பதற்கோ எந்த வரலாற்றுச் சான்றும் இல்லை. ஆனால் அப்படி ஒரு தொல் மொழி இருந்தது அந்த மொழியில் பேரிலக்கியங்கள் இருந்தது என்பதற்காக ஒரே சாட்சி ப்ரஹத்கதா (பெருங்கதை) என்ற காவியமும் அதை எழுதிய குணாட்யன் என்ற கவிஞனும்.

ஆனால் அந்த நூலில் ஒரு வரியும் நம்மிடம் இல்லை. அப்படி ஒரு நூல் இருந்தது என்பதுக்குச் சான்று அதை நூலைத் தழுவி பிறமொழிகளில் எழுதப்பட்ட காவியங்கள். தமிழில் ஏழாம் நூற்றாண்டில் எழுதப்பட்ட பெருங்கதை, சமஸ்கிருதத்தில் கதாசரிதசாகரம் , பிராகிருதத்தில் வசுதேவஹிந்தி போன்ற என்று பல்வேறு காவியங்களில் ப்ரஹத்கதா நூலின் கதைகள் குறித்த குறிப்புகள் உள்ளது.

குணாட்யன் பற்றிய வாழ்க்கை குறிப்பு அவரது நூலின் சமஸ்கிருத தழுவலான கதாசரிதசாகரத்தில் உள்ளது. குணாட்யன் ப்ரஹத்கதாவை ஆறு லட்சம் பாடல்களுடன் எழுதி முடிக்கிறார். ஆனால் அவர் எழுதிய மொழியோ சமூகத்தால் புறக்கணிக்கப்பட்ட பைசாசி மொழி. சாதவாகன அரசரின் அவையில் அந்த நூலை அறிமுகப்படுத்தும் போது, அறிஞர்கள் அந்த மொழியை அருவருப்பானதாகக் கூறி நிராகரித்தனர்.

மனமுடைந்த குணாட்யன் காட்டுக்குள் சென்று சிதை மூட்டி, அதில் தன்னுடைய பெருங்காவியத்தை ஒவ்வொரு பாடலாக வாசித்துத் தீயிட்டார். காட்டுக்கு வேட்டைக்குச் சென்ற சாதவாகன அரசன், விலங்குகள் கூட அமைதியாக அமர்ந்து அந்தக் காவியத்தைக் கேட்டதைப் பார்த்ததும், அந்தக் காவியத்தின் மகத்துவத்தை உணர்ந்தான்.

ஓடிப் போய் குணாட்யனைத் தடுத்தான். ஆனால், பெருங்காவியத்தின் ஏழு காண்டங்களில் ஆறு காண்டங்கள் தீயில் அழிந்துவிட்டன. ஒன்று மட்டுமே எஞ்சியது. குணாட்யரும் தீயில் பாய்ந்து இறந்தார் என்கிறது அந்த சமஸ்கிருத நூல்.

அந்த ஒரு காண்டத்திலுள்ள கதைகளே தமிழ் உட்படப் பிற மொழிகளில் எஞ்சுகின்றன. பிருஹத்கதாவின் முழுமையான உள்ளடக்கம் இன்றுவரை யாருக்கும் தெரியாது. இந்நூலில் மொத்தம் எத்தனை கதைகள் இருந்தன என்று தெரியவில்லை.

பிற்காலத்தில் தமிழ் உட்படப் பல மொழிக் காவியங்களின் கருப்பொருளாகத் திகழ்ந்த உதயணன் கதை போன்ற பல கதைகள் அடங்கிய மாபெரும் கதை தொகுப்பு அது. வட இந்திய மொழிகளான சமஸ்கிருதம், பிராகிருதம், பாலி ஆகிய மொழிகளுக்கெல்லாம் அடிப்படையாகப் பழங்குடி மொழிகள் இருந்துள்ளன என்பதற்கும், அவற்றில் பேரிலக்கியங்கள் உருவாயின என்பதற்கும் பிருஹத்கதாவே சான்று என மொழியியலாளர்கள் கருதுகின்றனர்.

ஒரு எழுத்தாளனின் சொற்கள் மறைந்த பிறகும், அவன் மொழி அழிந்த பிறகும் அவனை நினைவுகூரும் மனித மனத்தின் ஆழமான உணர்வுகள் பற்றி எண்ணி வியக்காமல் இருக்கமுடியவில்லை. அந்த உணர்வில்தான் குணாட்யன் இன்னும் வாழ்கிறார். பைசாசியும் கூட. மானுட நினைவுகளில் ஒரு வாசகமுமின்றி நிலைத்திருக்கிற இறந்த மொழியின் இறவாக் கவிஞனுக்கு என் வணக்கங்கள்.

கொட்டுக்காளி

கொட்டுக்காளி படம் சங்க இலக்கியம் தெரிந்தவர்களுக்கு மிக அணுக்கமாக இருக்கும். காதலில் இருக்கும் பெண்ணில் அணங்கு கூடிவிட்டதாக சங்க இலக்கியத்தில் பெண் வீட்டார் நினைப்பர். அதை "முருகயர்தல்" என்று குறிப்பிடுவர். வெறியாட்டு நடத்தினால் பெண் நலம் பெறுவாள் என்பது தொல் நம்பிக்கை. மொத்த படமும் "வேம்பற்றூர்க் கண்ணன் கூத்தனார்" எழுதிய குறுந்தொகை பாடலை நினைவுறுத்துகிறது.

முருகு அயர்ந்து வந்த முதுவாய் வேல!

சினவல் ஓம்புமதி; வினவுவது உடையேன்.

பல்வேறு உருவின் சில் அவிழ் மடையொடு,

சிறுமறி கொன்று இவள் நறுநுதல் நீவி,

வணங்கினை கொடுத்தியாயின், அணங்கிய

விண்தோய் மாமலைச் சிலம்பன்

ஒண்தார் அகலமும் உண்ணுமோ பலியே!

- குறுந்தொகை - 362. தோழி கூற்று

பொருள் - முருகனுக்கு வெறியாட்டு நடத்தும் அறிவு மிகுந்த வேலனே, கோபம் கொள்வதைத் தவிர்ப்பாயாக. உன்னை ஒன்று கேட்க விரும்புகிறேன். பல நிறங்களையுடைய, சிலவகையான சோற்றையுடைய பலியோடு, சிறிய ஆட்டுக்குட்டியைக் கொன்று, இத்தலைவியினது மணமுள்ள நெற்றியைத் தடவி, முருகக் கடவுளை வணங்கிப் பலியாகக் கொடுப்பாயானால், இவளைத் துன்புறுத்திய, வானத்தை அளாவிய பெரிய மலைப்பக்கத்தையுடைய தலைவனது, ஒளிபொருந்திய மாலையை அணிந்த மார்பும், நீ கொடுக்கும் பலியை உண்ணுமோ?

When History Calls: AKD's Rise and the Future of Tamil Aspirations

They said AKD made history, but it is actually the other way around: history made AKD. While he may not have the same level of education, oratorical skill, or crowd-pulling charisma as Rohana Wijeweera, there is one thing I’ve learned from studying history: History doesn't wait for any leader; it makes use of whoever is available. The men of history appear not because they are great, but because they are necessary.

The conditions that once led to the JVP’s emergence—economic hardship, social injustice, and political disillusionment—have persisted throughout the years. However, during Rohana's time, other factors didn’t fall into place, ultimately leading to his demise. In contrast, AKD found himself in a moment where these factors aligned, allowing him to achieve what Wijeweera could not. When the time is right, a leader will emerge. History has its own momentum, often independent of individual leaders. Leaders emerge not because they are the best suited for the role, but because they happen to be in the right place at the right time.

I am always optimistic about the future of Tamils in Sri Lanka because of my understanding of history. Although it may seem that there is no charismatic leader to champion Tamil aspirations today, history has shown us that when the conditions are right, the Tamil community will rise to seize the opportunity for a brighter future.

A Momentary Fix: The True Cost of Ranil's Rise to Power

I can't understand why people are writing emotional thank-you notes to Ranil for "stabilizing the ship." Do Sri Lankans really have such short-term memories? Remember when the Bar Council of Sri Lanka, along with the opposition parties, set a deadline for Gota during the Aragalaya movement to introduce a constitutional amendment to abolish the executive presidency and resign? That was a genuine opportunity for transformative reform. 

Until that demand was met, the opposition decided that no one would take the Prime Minister's post, which kept the pressure on Gota to act. But then RW swooped in at that crucial moment, taking up the Prime Minister's post. By doing so, he relieved the immediate pressure on Gota, effectively halting the momentum for change. Ranil’s choice to prioritize his personal gain allowed the existing power structures to remain intact, transforming what could have been a significant political shift into just a temporary fix.

Being thankful to Ranil is like a bride being kidnapped from her wedding to the perfect guy, forced to marry her abductor, and then feeling grateful because he treated her well after the forced marriage. Sure, he may have made things a bit more comfortable after crashing the big day, but that doesn’t erase the fact that she was supposed to marry Mr. Right, not Mr. Right-Now.

Similarly, while Ranil’s rise to power might seem like it stabilized the immediate chaos, it came at the cost of derailing the real chance for systemic reform and meaningful change. Just because the situation didn’t worsen doesn’t mean we should forgive or celebrate the original betrayal.

The Tamil Vote and the Sinhalese Perspective

People in the South have no business or moral standing to advise Tamils on how to vote in elections. Many in the South may feel that Tamils do not consider themselves Sri Lankan first. For Sinhalese, it is easy to feel Sri Lankan first, as there is no distinction between being Sinhala and being Sri Lankan—the country’s identity, policies, and priorities align exclusively with your own.

In a multi-ethnic country, the country's government should act as a neutral mediator, striving to protect the interests of all communities by building consensus. Unfortunately, since 1956, successive governments in Sri Lanka have positioned themselves solely as protectors of Sinhala Buddhist interests, often at the expense of other ethnicities.

It is not that Tamils do not want to be Sri Lankans first; rather, they have been made to feel Tamil first because the Sri Lankan state has consistently failed to represent, listen to, or protect them. Therefore, the issue isn't that Tamils seek different treatment; it's that they have been treated differently for decades, undermining their sense of belonging within the Sri Lankan identity. 

Don’t ask Tamils to embrace Sri Lankan mainstream politics; instead, challenge your political system to demonstrate through actions that Tamils are also Sri Lankans. When that happens, perceptions will change. Tamil people are not ready to vote based on empty promises, as that is all we have seen from Southern politicians since the 1957 Banda-Selva Pact. 

No Tamils in Singapore identify as Tamil first; they consider themselves Singaporeans. So don’t come to us to tell us how to vote; instead, reflect on how you can ensure that you elect leaders who will truly bring Tamils into the mainstream.

From Violence to Voice: Anura's Journey and Its Lessons for Tamils and Sinhalese

Anura's rise offers crucial political lessons for both Tamils and Sinhalese. The JVP's founder, Rohana Wijeweera, took up arms against the Sri Lankan state to seize power but was defeated in 1989, resulting in around 60,000 Sinhalese lives lost due to the state's brutal crackdown. Today, the JVP has risen through democratic means, demonstrating just how far they’ve come without resorting to violence.

For the Sinhalese, the key takeaway is that battlefield victories, such as those against the Tigers in 2009, are not permanent—just as in 1989—unless the underlying grievances of the Tamil community are addressed through the devolution of powers. For the Tamils, the lesson is that resorting to violence is not a cost-effective path to change; patience and persistence will ultimately turn the tide in your favour. While it may sound absurd to some, what seems impossible today doesn’t mean it will be impossible forever.

For example, when J.R. Jayewardene introduced the new constitution in 1978, one of his key motives was rooted in racism. In the 1977 elections, the SLFP was decimated, while the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) swept the North and East, becoming the second-largest party in parliament. Consequently, TULF Leader Amirthalingam assumed the role of Leader of the Opposition.

Jayewardene couldn’t stand the idea of a Tamil-led opposition. To prevent this from happening again, he introduced the proportional representation system, replacing the first-past-the-post voting system. His assumption was that since SL Tamils made up only 13% of the population, they would never secure enough seats to become the second-largest party under the new proportional system.

However, 37 years later, in 2015, Tamil National Alliance (TNA)—once again became the main opposition party when the UNP and SLFP formed a unity government. This shows that even the most carefully calculated political plans can be upended by time and shifting dynamics.

The non-violent path is the most reliable way to achieve political goals with minimal human cost. While progress through non-violence may be slow—often taking generations—it remains the least destructive option. This approach prevents the immense toll of bloodshed and devastation that violent armed struggles inevitably bring, along with the risk of failing to achieve political goals, as seen in 1989 and 2009. 

With a non-violent path, you can never truly lose; it's only a matter of when and how you will win.

Seeman-Vijay Alliance: Tamil Nadu's Political Crossroads

The 2026 Tamil Nadu election will be a critical one, poised to shape the political landscape for years to come. Vijay faces two options: either contest solo, risking a loss and ending up like Kamal Haasan with around a 5-7% vote share, or join forces with Seeman as a minor partner and support Seeman as the chief ministerial candidate. No existing parties except NTK will risk abandoning cash-rich alliances to join hands with the untested TVK. Vijay needs Seeman more than Seeman needs Vijay.

Vijay's voter base primarily consists of youngsters from underprivileged caste sections and Christians, who are already supporting the DMK alliance. VCK's influence will further consolidate the underprivileged caste sections towards DMK, and a strong anti-BJP stance is attracting more Christian votes to DMK. Therefore, it is highly unlikely that Vijay can break away a considerable amount of votes from these sections to emerge as a strong player single-handedly.

Seeman proved in the 2024 election that he can break in and secure 4.5% of votes from underprivileged caste sections and Christian voters who traditionally support DMK. Given that both Seeman and Vijay share these common voters, joining hands would help consolidate these votes more effectively than if they were to contest alone. 

But there are many problems with this alliance, such as seat sharing, alliance chemistry, Vijay's past history, and campaign financing. Vijay is an untested force, while Seeman is a proven one. We don't know Vijay's actual vote strength, and his fan base alone is definitely not enough to push him to a double-digit vote share. Additionally, there's no guarantee that his fans will vote for him. This uncertainty makes navigating the potential alliance tricky. Vijay may think too highly of himself, but having a huge fan base doesn't guarantee vote share, as proven by Kamal Haasan. Kamal's popularity didn't translate into actual votes. 

The reality of politics often differs from fan support. So seat sharing will be a challenging issue.  Seeman needs to bargain tough, ensuring he doesn't give away too many seats and risk overshadowing his own influence by inflating Vijay's vote share. Unlike Seeman, who has a strong ideological stand, Vijay lacks a clear stance and may join any alliance that accepts him as the chief minister candidate in the future. It's crucial for Seeman to maintain his leverage and not compromise his position. 

Vijay's camp might push for a 50-50 split in seats, which is unreasonable. Seeman has already committed to allocating 150 seats to candidates aged 25-30 in the 2026 elections, indicating that he is not willing to contest in any fewer than that number. This leaves a maximum of 84 seats available for Vijay. Political insiders close to both Seeman and Vijay suggest that Seeman has agreed to allocate only 50 seats to Vijay. If Seeman successfully negotiates this deal and make Vijay accept less than 60 seats, it would be a very good deal for Seeman.

Then there is a problem with alliance chemistry and vote transferability. Seeman's votes will transfer easily to Vijay if Vijay projects Seeman as the Chief Ministerial candidate. However, the bigger question is whether Vijay's votes will transfer to Seeman. Vijay's voters are likely to be diehard fans who want him as Chief Minister, not Deputy Chief Minister. This creates a high risk that they might not support Seeman's candidates and could even work against them to ensure Vijay's emergence with more seats than Seeman.

Another challenge is that Vijay has many fans from linguistic minorities like Telugu, Malayalam, and Kannada speakers living in Tamil Nadu. These fans may not support Seeman because they perceive Seeman's Tamil nationalism as a threat to their existence in the state. We're already witnessing linguistic minority voters from ADMK breaking away and consolidating towards DMK because they see DMK as the only force capable of standing up to Seeman. So, this issue of vote transferability makes it a high-risk venture for Seeman.

Then there are issues with Vijay's history. Seeman is pro-Sri Lankan Tamils and anti-Congress and BJP, whereas Vijay has a proven track record that he doesn't share either of these sentiments. A few months after the end of the Sri Lankan civil war, Vijay went and met Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and expressed his willingness to join Congress if he were to be given the presidency of the Youth Congress, while Seeman had formed the Naam Tamilar movement to oppose the Congress party for their betrayal of Sri Lankan Tamils. Vijay has never shared a single tweet for May 18 Tamil Remembrance Day or November 27, the Maaveral Naal.

Though Vijay is currently portraying himself as anti-BJP, in 2014 he personally met Modi, silently extending support to him against ADMK's Jayalalitha. If opposition parties bring this up, it could be problematic for Seeman to defend because there is no guarantee that Vijay will not form an alliance with Congress or BJP in the future. Such revelations could dent Seeman's credibility. So, this issue also makes it a high-risk venture for Seeman.

Finally, when it comes to campaign finances, Vijay has an edge because he could easily spend 1 crore per constituency to run his campaign if he is contesting around 50-84 seats. Seeman, on the other hand, can't muster that amount of money. Even in the 2024 election, Seeman only spent around 4-5 crores for the entire Tamil Nadu. It is certain that Vijay is not going to finance Seeman's campaigns; he will just ask his party members in those constituencies to cooperate with NTK cadres, and that's all. This puts Seeman at a severe disadvantage. Vijay could emerge with more seats using Seeman's votes and his own financial might, whereas Seeman may not win as many seats. So, this financial issue once again makes it a high-risk venture for Seeman.

Seeman has made very intelligent decisions up to now and has proven himself to be a great political strategist. However, Vijay seems to be his blind spot. Seeman dreams of a Tamil Nadu without the two main ruling Dravidian parties (DMK and ADMK) and national parties (Congress and BJP), parties he believes betrayed Tamils. He envisions two strong Tamil parties emerging to replace DMK and ADMK. 

With the belief that ADMK is destined to fail, Seeman sees himself leading one front while Vijay's party becomes the alternative choice, akin to how DMK and ADMK were once together during Annadurai's time, later splitting and contesting alone, ultimately replacing the Congress and Communist parties, the two choices in Tamil Nadu at that time.  This is Seeman's rationale behind wanting to join forces. He envisions himself as Annadurai and sees Vijay as MGR. Together, he wants his NTK and Vijay's TVK to become the dominant parties ruling Tamil Nadu alternately in the future.  

Considering all these factors, it is very difficult to come to a decision on whether Seeman and Vijay could work together or not. This has more chance of failing than actually working out well for Seeman. There are so many uncertainties, so many ifs and buts. However, missing this option also means Seeman will never fulfil his dream of removing Dravidian dominance in Tamil Nadu. But if he takes this path, there is a risk he might falter and tarnish his credibility, leaving DMK as the dominant force and handing over the alternative force tag to BJP. 

If the Seeman and Vijay combination does happen in 2026, it could either propel Seeman to unprecedented prominence and kickstart his journey as the strong contender for the chief minister post in 2031, or mark the beginning of the end of Seeman's dominance in politics. Only time will tell which way it is going to tilt.

From Breakups to Parental Matchmaking

After a string of breakups, my parents are like, 'Congratulations, you've successfully convinced us you can't get married on your own. Time for us to step in!' 😂👩‍❤️‍👨 Who needs a dating app when you've got the parental matchmaking squad on standby? 😂 There are three types of people who opt for arranged marriage: Those who struggle with wooing a partner or are just super traditional, those who've had enough drama from breakups and want a smoother ride this time, and then there's folks like me—where parents think their 'time's up' alarm has gone off! ⏰👰

My parents are stuck in the '80s, thinking arranged marriage is a breeze. But I've seen enough friends go through it to know that love marriage is way easier. In love marriage, you just need to woo the girl, and if she's with you through thick and thin, you're going to get married anyhow. In arranged marriage, it's like passing through three gates: first, you've got to charm the astrologer. Then, you've got to charm the parents, and finally, you get to the girl, and guess what? Unlike my parents' times, you have to charm her too! But here's the kicker: what parents find desirable and what their daughter wants in a man are often worlds apart! 🤷‍♂️💕 It is nearly impossible to pass through these three gates together unless both the girl and the parents have gone through this a lot to realize to lower their standards. Every parent wants to help their kids avoid their own past missteps. However, they're often a generation behind, and the rules of the game have completely changed.

உன் நினைவென ஓயாது பெய்துகொண்டிருக்கிறது மழை

  
உன் நினைவென ஓயாது பெய்துகொண்டிருக்கிறது மழை.
இம்மண்ணிலுள்ள அனைத்தையும் ஈரமாக்கி விட்டாய்.
புதைந்து கிடந்த விதைகளை எல்லாம் முளைத்தெழச் செய்துவிட்டாய்.
எல்லா இடைவெளிகளையும் நிரப்பி வழிகிறாய்.

எல்லாவற்றையும் கழுவிக் கழுவி நீ ஓய்ந்தாய்.
புத்தம் புதியதாக நான் விரிந்து எழ
புதிய வெயிலொளிபோல மென்மையாக
என் மீது படர்கிறாய்.

உன் பெயர் என்னில் ஒருகோடித் துளிகளில் சுடர்விடுகிறது.
உன் மகத்துவங்களுக்கு சாட்சியாவதற்கென்றே படைக்கப்பட்டிருக்கிறேன்.
உன் மௌனத்தால் அடித்தளமிடப்பட்டிருக்கின்றன
என் உரையாடல்கள் அனைத்தும்.

உன்னுடைய அசைவற்ற ஆழத்தின் மீது
சுழிக்கும் அலைகளே நான்.
உன்னை நிசப்தமாகப் பிரதிபலித்தபடி
வியந்து கிடப்பதே என் கடனென்று உணர்கிறேன்.

- ஜெயமோகன்

Navigating Love Tomorrow: Unveiling the Evolution of Relationships

In my perspective, the future appears to be moving towards a landscape dominated by open relationships, offering the emotional stability of long-term partnerships alongside the excitement of new connections. Much like the balance between home-cooked meals and dining out for variety, these evolving relationships shouldn't be overly sensationalized. It's crucial to recognize that moral standards shift with time, and respecting individual choices is paramount.

The intertwining of emotions in matters of sex and love poses a challenge to disentangle the two. In casual relationships, feelings often develop over time, potentially leading to bitter conclusions if not reciprocated. I recall a friend's experience with casual dating, where despite clear communication, some partners developed unrequited feelings, resulting in emotional turmoil.

I hold a deep respect for conservative perspectives on morals and values. However, a historical perspective reveals that these principles are far from static. Consider our parents' generation, where even the act of hugging between a girl and a boy, regardless of their friendship, was deemed immoral.

In contrast to the past, our generation exhibits a more liberal attitude towards physical expressions of friendship, such as hugging, where societal views have shifted, and such gestures are no longer considered taboo. This evolution signifies a broader societal acceptance of diverse interpersonal connections. It's crucial to recognize that societal norms and values are dynamic, adapting to the evolving needs and perspectives of each generation. While conservative viewpoints deserve respect, understanding the historical context allows us to appreciate the ongoing transformation of morals and values, shaping a society that is more inclusive and considerate of individual choices.

Women in our parents' generation often found themselves trapped in toxic marriages due to the societal taboo surrounding divorce. Widows, too, faced limited options, often choosing to remain single after their husbands' untimely deaths. Fast forward to our generation, and we witness a more accepting stance towards divorce and remarriage.

Distinguishing between morals and ethics is crucial for a nuanced understanding of human behavior and societal norms. Ethics, often considered a more static framework, tends to change at a slower pace. For instance, principles like non-violence can be regarded as ethical choices that endure over time. These ethical principles form a foundational framework guiding human conduct and are relatively resistant to rapid shifts.

On the other hand, morality is characterized by its ever-changing nature. Morals encompass the personal and societal beliefs, behaviors, and norms that can vary across cultures, generations, and individuals. As time progresses, each generation tends to develop its own set of morals and values, shaped by evolving social, economic, and cultural contexts.

This constant evolution in morality is evident in how societal attitudes towards various issues transform over time. What may be deemed acceptable or unacceptable in one era might be viewed quite differently in another. The fluidity of morality allows for adaptability to contemporary perspectives and challenges.

In contemplating the future, my perspective is rooted in prediction rather than personal desire. I envision a shifting landscape where the majority of individuals engage in open relationships, diminishing the prominence of monogamy—a trajectory reminiscent of contemporary Western societies where a minority opts to wait until marriage for sexual intimacy. Further, I anticipate a rise in polygamous unions, fueled by a growing recognition of the considerable minority identifying as bisexual. Acknowledging bisexuality as an innate aspect of an individual's nature, I emphasize the importance of allowing autonomy in relationship choices. This includes the possibility of a bisexual individual choosing to marry both a girl and a boy, a scenario reflective of the evolving understanding and acceptance of diverse relationship structures.

Monogamy is pretty rare in nature, and some believe it might have started because women were treated unfairly in polygamous situations. This mistreatment was more about money problems than gender differences. Take the Kerala Nair community, for example. Before 1940, it was a society where women held more power, and only women could pass on money and property. So, in this setup, it was men who faced unfair treatment. Nair women were even allowed to have multiple husbands and be involved with others outside of marriage. 

In a patriarchal society, women often lean towards marriage for financial security, benefiting both themselves and their children. However, in today's Western world, where both genders have achieved considerable financial independence, the appeal of traditional marriage is perceived to be waning. A notable example is the recent statement by Aishwarya Lekshmi, the actress from Ponniyin Selvan, expressing her disinterest in marriage. She values relationships devoid of compulsion or legal constraints, raising questions about whether this sentiment would be the same without her affluent actress status. It's not a judgment but an acknowledgement of the potential influence of individual circumstances.

If the inclination towards non-traditional relationships becomes more widespread, it is posited that men might be more affected than women. Historical genetic studies suggest that historically, only 40% of men could reproduce compared to 80% of women. This discrepancy is attributed to high-value men having more opportunities to father children, while low-value men struggled to find a mate. A personal example from the past, such as my grandfather marrying at the age of 45 due to financial constraints, illustrates the impact economic status had on marriage opportunities during times when polygamy was common and couples married at a young age. This reflection prompts consideration of how societal and economic shifts may continue to shape the dynamics of relationships and marriage in the future.

Modern relationships, such as friends with benefits and casual connections, may perpetuate a similar imbalance. Notably, on platforms like Tinder, statistics reveal a significant difference in matching probabilities between genders, with women having a higher chance of matching with their preferred partner than men.

In the realm of modern friends-with-benefits and casual relationships, the historical gender ratio dynamics persist. High-value men often find more opportunities for physical connections, while many men may experience being overlooked. Research on Tinder reveals a stark contrast in matching probabilities, with a 1/3 chance for a woman to match with a desired partner compared to a mere 2.5% for men.

These evolving relationship dynamics will likely pose challenges for future generations, presenting moral and psychological hurdles beyond our current comprehension. Our children may face unique challenges in navigating the complex landscape of evolving societal norms. Understanding and adaptability will be key as we prepare for the uncertainties that lie ahead. This recognition underscores the importance of preparing future generations for the intricacies of an evolving world, emphasizing the need for resilience, adaptability, and a robust support system to navigate the complexities that lie ahead.

The Daily Struggle: Honesty and Loyalty in Life's Journey

Being honest and loyal is an ongoing battle we must continually wage. While we may boast an impressive track record of integrity and a steadfast commitment to our values in the past, a positive past track record merely signifies our ability to resist temptations and make ethical choices up to a certain point. It is never a reliable indicator of future success. It's akin to walking a tightrope; one small misstep or lapse in judgment can send us plummeting from the moral high ground into regrettable situations.

The deeply ingrained human emotions of lust, greed, jealousy, and even violence persist within us. Despite the progress of civilization over thousands of years, we have only managed to suppress them—they have not disappeared. Everything we suppress tends to resurface with greater vigor, the more we resist.

Just as we all grapple with the constant struggle to be honest and loyal, even the Buddha himself faced a final battle with Mara as he climbed the spiritual and moral ladder towards enlightenment.

In this story, as Siddhartha Gautama, who would later become the Buddha, was on the cusp of attaining enlightenment, Mara, the personification of desires and negative forces, made one last-ditch effort to distract him from his path to enlightenment. Mara unleashed a barrage of temptations, doubts, and illusions, attempting to shake Siddhartha's resolve. However, Siddhartha, with unwavering determination and a steadfast moral compass, remained focused and untouched by Mara's onslaught. In the face of such extreme vigour from his inner temptations, Siddhartha's inner strength and commitment to his values prevailed, and he achieved enlightenment.

The story of Buddha's encounter with Mara serves as a powerful illustration of the ongoing battle between our inner virtues and the deeply ingrained human emotions that reside within us. This story serves as a poignant reminder that as we climb higher on our own spiritual or moral journeys, the pressure and temptations we encounter may become more substantial and challenging. Just like Siddhartha, we, too, must be prepared for the relentless assaults of our own inner desires and weaknesses. The story underscores the importance of unwavering commitment to our values and principles, even in the face of intense inner turmoil and external temptations.

In this ever-evolving landscape of human emotions, we can only hope that, like Siddhartha, the strength of our character and the resilience of our moral compass will guide us, ensuring that we stay true to our path of integrity and loyalty.

Tracing the Historical Roots of Coconut Use among the Tamils

Determining the historical use of coconuts by Tamils poses a formidable challenge due to the scarcity of well-documented records. However, piecing together insights from regional history, literature, and the accounts of foreign travellers allows us to speculate on the introduction of coconuts to the Tamils.

Contrary to the notion that the imperial Chola period marked the acquaintance of Tamils with coconuts, historical evidence points to a much earlier familiarity. The 5th-century Egyptian traveler Cosmas Indicopleustes referenced the 'Indian nut' in his writings, suggesting the presence and utilization of coconuts in India during that era. Scholars posit that these references likely allude to coconuts, indicating their prevalence in the Indian subcontinent by the 5th century AD and supporting the idea that Tamils were already acquainted with them.

The belief that Tamils have incorporated coconuts into their way of life since prehistoric times gains credence for several reasons. Firstly, the expansion of Tamil influence beyond India to Sri Lanka by at least 200 BC is well-documented. Sri Lankan records dating back to about 300 BC also make references to coconuts. Additionally, historical evidence by De Candolle in 1826 suggests that the Eastern Archipelago, near Sumatra and Java, was the original habitat of coconuts. The ability of coconuts to float in the sea for up to 110 days, with experiments demonstrating their capacity to germinate and grow during this time, makes it plausible that coconuts could have reached Sri Lanka's shores without human intervention.

The ancient Tamil name for Sri Lanka, 'Eelam,' is believed by some historians, including Prof. Indrapala, to be based on the coconut tree, further supporting the idea that coconuts were integral to Tamil culture. Additionally, the Tamil Sangam anthology, written between 300 BCE and 300 AD, contains references to the word 'Thengu,' thought to denote the coconut tree.

Further archaeological findings in Tamil Nadu, such as small, coconut-like fossil fruits along various rivers and mountainsides dating back to the Eocene Epoch (56-34 million years ago), have led researchers to propose the hypothesis that coconuts originated in India. However, the identification of coconut fossils remains challenging and uncertain, as is the case with many palm fossils.

Based on the historical evidence presented, it is reasonable to assume that Tamils had access to coconuts, either through Sri Lanka or as a native plant, since at least prehistoric times.

கவிதை நீ கவிஞன் நான்

சொல்லில் தெய்வம் எழும்
கணம் உண்டென்றனர் அறவோர்
சொல்லெலாம் பொருளிழக்கும்
கணம் உண்டென்றனர் அறிவோர்

அவ்விரண்டின்  மெய்மை உணர்ந்தது
உனைக் கண்டு மட்டுமே

என் சொல்லின் உருவம் நீ!
என் சொல்லின் மௌனமும் நீ!

 - குமரன்

The Decline of Buddhism in Tamil Country

The decline of Buddhism in Tamil Country was not due to violent oppression, unlike what happened in North India. Instead, it was the result of a dual approach taken by the Hindu community in Tamil Country, which uprooted both the philosophical dominance and public support that Buddhism had enjoyed. Despite the fact that Buddhist philosophy had reigned supreme in India for a thousand years and that Buddhist scholars had never been defeated in philosophical debates, the rise of Adi Shankara in the 8th century had a profound impact on the region.

Shankara, a philosophical prodigy born in Tamil country in the early 8th century CE, had reportedly mastered all Buddhist and Hindu philosophies by the age of 16. He synthesized his knowledge and developed his own philosophy known as Advaita Vedanta, a non-dual philosophy that expresses Buddhist ideology using Hindu vocabulary and his tremendous logic to bridge the gap. Shankara reinterpreted entire Hindu texts using his logic, without negating Buddhism or Buddha. He simply demonstrated how the same Buddhist truths could be derived from his interpretation of Hindu texts. This can be compared to deriving Newtonian gravitational equations from the more sophisticated Einsteinian gravitational equations by making two simple assumptions. Shankara also dismissed the ritualistic part of Vedas, similar to Buddha. As a result, some sections of Hindus still consider him as "Buddha in disguise." Ultimately, Shankara defeated both traditional Hindu scholars and Buddhist scholars throughout India in debates and established his reinterpretation of Hinduism as the supreme philosophy in India, restoring Hinduism's prominence within intellectual circles.

On the other front, Buddhism encountered a fundamental challenge in attracting the masses, evident not only in Tamil Country but also in regions like Sri Lanka. Unlike some religious traditions where followers might pray to deities for personal wishes, Buddhism's focus on self-reliance and inner transformation posed a barrier to mass appeal. Buddhists couldn't pray to Buddha to fulfil their wishes, as he wouldn't come and intervene to solve personal problems. This aspect compelled many Buddhists to maintain connections with Hindu gods, as observed in Sri Lanka even Today.  Similarly, Buddhists in Tamil country maintained connections with Hindu deities. 

Then came the Bhakti movement in Tamil Country, bringing about a transformation in the religious practices of the Hindu community. This devotional movement simplified Hinduism, focusing on love and devotion as paths to salvation, while shedding the complexities of rituals and caste hierarchies. Tamil saints traversed the length and breadth of the region, propagating this movement.

The two-pronged attack on Buddhism – the philosophical synthesis by Adi Shankara and the Bhakti movement – proved to be increasingly challenging over time. While Shankara's logical prowess harmonized Buddhist and Hindu ideologies under a unified framework, the Bhakti movement resonated deeply with the masses by presenting a simpler, more emotionally accessible path to spiritual fulfilment. As a result, Buddhism struggled to maintain its ground and the decline began in the 8th century CE and extended over the subsequent centuries. By the 13th century, Buddhism had largely faded from the Tamil country, with Hinduism firmly reestablished as the dominant religious tradition.

As you can see, historical events are rarely the result of a single isolated cause; instead, they usually emerge from a complex interplay of various factors, circumstances, and dynamics. Human history is shaped by a multitude of social, cultural, economic, political, and individual elements that interact in intricate ways, leading to the outcomes we observe. Analyzing historical events requires a nuanced understanding of these multifaceted dynamics to truly appreciate the complexity of the past. Anyone who presents a simplistic narrative is either stupid or driven by a hunger for power and chauvinism.

பொழுது இடை தெரியின் பொய்யே காமம் 🥰

This poetic scene reminds me of a few lines from a Tamil poem dating back to around 100 BCE. I'm certain that my forefathers were hopelessly romantic, and my foremothers didn't stand a chance to resist their charm. 🥰🤣

காலையும், பகலும், கையறு மாலையும்,

ஊர் துஞ்சு யாமமும், விடியலும், என்று இப்

பொழுது இடை தெரியின் பொய்யே காமம் 

- அள்ளூர் நன்முல்லையார் (குறுந்தொகை -32)

Translation - If you are able to differentiate between morning, noon, evening, the night when the village sleeps, and dawn, then you are not truly in love.

மரபும் மகிழ்ச்சியும்

ஜே ஜே படத்தில் ஒரு காட்சி வரும். மரபில் தோய்ந்த ஒரு மனம் சாதாரண வாழ்க்கையில் அடையும் இன்பங்கள் என்ன என்று நண்பர்கள் கேட்கும் போது நான் அடிக்கடி இந்தக் காட்சியைத் தான் உதாரணம் சொல்லுவேன். படத்தில் மாதவன் தான் காதலித்த பெண்ணை விட்டு வேறு ஒருவரைத் திருமணம் முடிக்க வேண்டிவரும். திருமணத்துக்குச் சம்மதம் தெரிவித்து விட்டு கவலையுடன் சென்றமர்ந்து அந்தப் பெண்ணை முதல் கண்டவுடன் வயலினில் அவர் வாசித்த இசையை இறுதியாக மீண்டும் வாசித்து விட்டு அழுதபடி வயலினைப் போட்டு உடைப்பார். 

இந்த காட்சியைச் சாதாரணமாக எந்த ஒரு மரபுப் பயிற்சியும் இல்லாத ஒரு பார்வையாளன் கவலையுடன் கடந்து போவான். மரபுப் பயிற்சி இல்லாவிட்டாலும் கொஞ்சம் நுண்ணுணர்வு உள்ள பார்வையாளன் என்றால் இதில் உள்ள “என் வாழ்க்கையில் இனி அவள் இல்லை எனவே எந்த இனிமையும் இல்லை” என்று குறிப்புணர்த்தும் காட்சி அமைப்பின் கவித்துவத்தைக் காண்பான்.

ஆனால் நுண்ணுணர்வோடு உங்களுக்கு மரபுப் பயிற்சியும் இருந்தால் இந்த காட்சியில் நீங்கள் அடையும் வேறு உச்சம் ஒன்றுண்டு. இந்து தொன்ம கதைகளில் கிருஷ்ணனும் ராதையும் காதலர்கள். கிருஷ்ணர் கம்சனை வென்று பிருந்தாவனத்திலிருந்து மதுரா நகருக்குச் சென்ற போது ராதையை அவர் பெற்றோர் வேறு ஒருவருக்கு மணமுடித்து விடுவார்கள். ராதை கிருஷ்ணனை நினைத்து ஏங்கி உடல் மெலிந்து இறக்கும் தறுவாயில் அவள் விருப்பத்துக்கு இணங்க அவள் அருகே அமர்ந்து கிருஷ்ணர் புல்லாங்குழல் வாசிப்பார். அதைக் கேட்டபடி ராதை உயிர் பிரியும். கிருஷ்ணர் உடனே அவர்களது காதலின் அடையாளமாக இருந்த புல்லாங்குழலை உடைத்து எறிவார். அதன் பிறகு கிருஷ்ணர் ஒருபோதும் குழலை வாசிக்கவில்லை என்று இரண்டாயிரம் வருடத்துக்கு முற்பட்ட பாகவத புராணம் கூறுகிறது.

அந்த தொன்மக் கதை உங்களுக்குத் தெரிந்தால் உடனே இந்தக் கவித்துவமான காட்சி வேறு கனம் கொண்டுவிடுகிறது. இந்தக் காட்சி ஈராயிரம் ஆண்டுகால பொருள் ஏற்றப்பட்ட ஒன்றாகிவிடுகிறது. ஒரு பெருமரபின் அறுபடா நீட்சியென சென்றமைகிறது. உங்கள் ஆழ்மனதுக்குள் உள்ள அந்த இணைப்பை நீங்கள் கண்டடையும் கணத்தில் நீங்கள் உணரும் ஒரு பரவசத்தை, ஒரு மின்னதிர்ச்சியை அதை ஒருபோதும் உணராத ஒருவருக்கு என்றும் சொல்லி விளக்கிவிடமுடியாது. அன்று முழுவதும் மனம் இனம்புரியா இன்பத்தில் கொந்தளித்துக் கொண்டே இருக்கும். 

நம் வாழ்க்கை என்பது சாதாரண நிகழ்வுகளால் ஆனது. நம் அன்றாடத்தில் பெரிதாக ஒன்று நடப்பதில்லை. எனவே பெரும்பாலான நாள்கள் பரவசம் அற்றதாகச் சலிப்பூட்டும் ஒன்றாகவே இருக்கும். நீங்கள் இன்பத்துக்காக வேறு ஏதும் ஒன்றை நாடவேண்டி இருக்கும். அவையும் அனுபவிக்க அனுபவிக்கச் சலிப்பூட்டும், வெறுமையைக் கொண்டு வரும் உலகியல் இன்பங்களாய் இருக்கும். நீங்கள் மீண்டும் மீண்டும் அந்த இன்பங்களில் மூழ்கி எதார்த்தத்தை மறக்க முயல்வீர்கள். அப்படி உலகியல் இன்பங்களில் மூழ்கி நிறைவுற்றவர்கள் யாருமில்லை. ஆனால் உங்களுக்கு எந்தளவு மரபில் பயிற்சி இருக்கிறதோ அந்த அளவுக்கு அன்றாட அழகு உங்கள் கண்ணில் பட்டுக்கொண்டே இருக்கும். ஒரு சிறிய சாதாரண அனுபவம் மரபு பயிற்சி இருக்கும் போது சட்டெனப் பெரிதாகும். 

என் வாழ்வில் நடந்த இன்னும் ஒரு உதாரணத்தைச் சொல்கிறேன். நானும் நண்பர்களும் யானைகள் சரணாலயத்துக்குச் சென்றிருந்தோம். ஒரு சிறு யானை குட்டி ஒன்று நின்று கொண்டிருந்தது. மரபுப் பயிற்சி இல்லாத நண்பர்கள் கொஞ்ச நேரம் அதைப் பார்த்தார்கள். பார்த்து எவ்வளவு அழகாக இருக்கிறது என்று சொல்லிக்கொண்டார்கள் அவ்வளவுதான் செல்வோம் என்று சென்றுவிட்டார்கள். எனக்கோ அந்த குட்டியைப் பார்த்ததும் உடனே ஒரு பரவசம். ஒரு மின்னல் அடித்துவிட்டது. 

சங்க இலக்கியத்தில் குறுந்தொகை பாடல் ஒன்றில் யானைக் குட்டியை “கயந்தலைக் குழவி” என்று சொல்வார்கள். யானைக் குட்டியை எப்போதாவது நேரில் பார்த்தவர்களுக்குத் தெரியும் அதன் தலை உடலை விடச் சற்றுப் பெரிதாக இருக்கும் அந்தத் தலையில் மனிதர்களைப் போல் நல்ல முடி இருக்கும். அதனால் தான் அதைக் கயந்தலைக் குழவி என்கிறார்கள். அந்த சங்கக் கவிதையில் சொல்லப்பட்ட யானைக்குட்டியின் குறும்பும் அழகும் இந்தக் குட்டி மீது ஏறிவிட்டது. ஒரு சாதாரண யானைக் குட்டியின் அழகு மரபுப் பயிற்சி இருக்கும் போது சட்டெனப் பெரிதாகிவிட்டது. நண்பர்கள் அந்த காட்சியை எளிதில் கடந்து சலித்து அடுத்தது என்ன இருக்கிறது பார்க்க என்று தேடிக்கொண்டிருந்தார்கள். எனக்கு அன்று முழுவதும் “கயந்தலைக் குழவி” என்ற சொல்லும் பரவசமும் மனதிலிருந்துகொண்டே இருந்தது.

நான் என் நண்பர்களிடம் தமிழ் மற்றும் இந்து மரபைப் பற்றித் தெரிந்துகொள்ளுங்கள் என்று சொல்வது தமிழை, தமிழ்ப் பண்பாட்டைக் காப்பாற்ற வேண்டும் என்பதுக்காக எல்லாம் இல்லை. தமிழை அப்படி எவரும் காப்பாற்ற வேண்டியதில்லை. தமிழ்ப் பண்பாடு அன்றும் சரி இன்றும் சரி எண்ணிக்கையால் அல்ல வெறும் ஐந்நூறு அல்லது ஆயிரம் பேர் கொண்ட குறுங்குழுவின் தீவிரத்தால் தான் தலைமுறை தலைமுறையாக முன் கொண்டு செல்லப்படுகிறது. மரபு என்பது நம்முடைய அழகுணர்வைத் தொடர்ந்து திரட்டி தரக்கூடிய ஒரு பெரும் தொடர்ச்சி. அதைப் பயிலாதவர்களுக்கு அனுபவிக்க அனுபவிக்கச் சலிப்பூட்டும் உலகியல் இன்பம் மட்டுமே விதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. அதை விட மேலான ஒரு இன்பத்தையும் நிறைவையும் என்றும் நீங்கள் அறியமாட்டீர்கள். அதனால் தான் நான் உங்கள் மரபை அறிந்து கொள்ளுங்கள் என்று மீண்டும் மீண்டும் நண்பர்களிடம் சொல்லிக்கொண்டே இருக்கிறேன்.

Hypocrisy, Violence, and the Quest for Peace: Lessons from Sri Lanka

If any members of the Tamil diaspora harbour dreams of another war in Sri Lanka, I invite them to consider the following: Rather than advocating for violence from a distance, why not encourage their own children, who have safely settled abroad, to return to Sri Lanka and take up arms in an armed struggle once again? If their passion for armed resistance is genuine, they should have joined the Tigers and taken up arms when they were younger. Instead, they chose to flee Sri Lanka and seek safety for themselves, their families, and their children in foreign lands. It is worth noting that the testimonies provided by many of them to support their asylum application regarding the forced conscriptions and human rights abuses by the Tigers were used as primary evidence by their respective governments to designate the Tigers as a terrorist organization. Their hypocrisy sucks.

The 26 years of armed struggle against oppression in Sri Lanka yielded nothing but the tragic deaths of over a hundred thousand innocent Tamil people. Three generations of young men and women lost their futures in the process. When one responds to violence with further violence, it only perpetuates a cycle of brutality. The opponents, in turn, justify their disproportionate violence based on the initial acts of violence committed. For instance, if one were to inquire why approximately 3,000 innocent Tamils were killed during the anti-Tamil riots in 1983, a moderate Sinhala individual might simply attribute it to the trigger of the deaths of 13 Sri Lanka Army soldiers at the hands of the Tigers. Similarly, if asked about the anti-Tamil riots in the country in 1956, 1958, and 1977, they may not have a satisfactory answer.

When people who lack power confront a formidable adversary, attempting to overcome them through violence results in huge losses. This is precisely why Gandhi chose the path of non-violence. Through practising non-violent resistance in the face of violence, Gandhi appealed to the conscience of his opponents and dismantled their moral superiority. One of his most powerful strategies was resisting an opponent without harbouring hatred towards them. This approach attracted support from a multitude of white individuals, illustrating its effectiveness. It is important to address the misconception that many Tamils believe in, which is that Gandhism failed in Sri Lanka. This assertion is not accurate.

There was a time when the Tamils in Sri Lanka had a leader like S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, who successfully organized a civil disobedience movement inspired by Gandhi's principles. In the 1970s, armed revolutions were spreading globally, and leftist groups actively promoted them. Consequently, some Tamil youths, feeling devoid of other options, resorted to violence after the introduction of racially motivated university standardization prevented their access to higher education. Chelvanayakam, who commanded respect among Tamil youth, urged them to abandon violence and prioritize education. However, following his death in 1977 and India's involvement, the Tamils fell into a geopolitical trap, and non-violent protests gave way to violent militancy.

Gandhism may be slow and require patience, but it offers a certain path to a solution with minimal casualties. Compared to the loss of Tamil lives during the civil war, the number of deaths resulting from anti-Tamil pogroms since independence is relatively small. I hope the Tamils possess the wisdom to avoid falling into geopolitical traps once again and refrain from resorting to violence in their fight against discrimination. While I support resistance to secure our rights, I cannot endorse violence, not out of cowardice, but because I understand that there is no hope for a solution through violent means.

Imagine a hypothetical situation in which Sri Lanka undergoes a division, resulting in two separate countries. Such a separation would unquestionably bring harm to both the Tamils and Sinhalese communities. It would lead to bitterness and the emergence of two hostile states with ongoing border disputes. Instead of moving forward and experiencing growth, both countries would be burdened with the perpetual drain of economic resources needed to sustain large standing armies solely focused on deterring potential conflicts. Therefore, it becomes essential to explore alternative avenues that lead to peaceful resolutions, fostering unity, understanding, and progress for all the communities involved.

The Menace of Sinhala-Buddhist Fundamentalism: A Call for Awareness and Unity

Many Sinhala-Buddhists fail to speak out against Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalism due to the mistaken belief that it only affects minorities and not their own community. However, history teaches us that fundamentalism ultimately destroys one's own people and culture more than any other group. Fundamentalism does not really care for any culture or religion; it only manipulates them to serve its ends. Fundamentalism can never be the guardian of faith; it is the arch-enemy that goes all out to destroy a religion. An example of this can be seen in Islamic fundamentalism which was initially seen as a reformist movement protecting Islam from outsiders but has since restricted women's rights, influenced education systems to prioritize a narrow interpretation of Islamic teachings, suppressed cultural practices, free speech, and stifled artistic expression and promoted violence and intolerance.

The delusion that Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalists hold about religion, race and history is similar to that of all fundamentalists: the belief in their superiority and the fear that their enemies aim to erase their glorious past. This type of thinking forms the foundation of fascism. Regardless of its basis in religion, caste, language, race, or nationality, fundamentalism always carries a destructive force within it. All forms of fundamentalism prioritize ideology over the well-being of their own people, leading to destruction in the long run. The loss of numerous innocent Sinhalese individuals, as well as the casualties suffered by Sinhalese soldiers in the civil war is a byproduct of the actions of Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalists since independence. The Presidential Commission on the Easter attacks of April 2019  blamed the anti-Muslim violence as the trigger for the terrible Easter Sunday attacks which killed hundreds of Tamils and Sinhalese. Fundamentalists are willing to justify any number of casualties to uphold their ideology, perpetuating a catastrophic cycle of violence throughout history. 

Fundamentalism shares certain characteristics. It places its core ideology beyond question, labelling those who deny or disagree with it as enemies to be destroyed. It constantly creates new enemies to defend itself against and bases its actions on countering perceived threats. Thus fundamentalism is never motivated by positive ideals. Furthermore, fundamentalism promotes certain individuals as perfect representatives of its ideology, granting them immense power and idolizing them, demanding complete faith and adulation from their followers. 

Fundamentalism is opposed to democracy. Democracy thrives on debate, deliberation, and the freedom to accept or reject ideas. It seeks to include diverse perspectives and resolve contradictions through consensus. In contrast, fundamentalism consolidates power around its ideology, rejecting any dialogue or aspects of the past that do not serve its power politics. 

It is deeply frustrating to witness so-called educated Sinhalese individuals supporting Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalists. Such individuals, in my view, lack genuine education and intellect, despite their degrees. When moderate Tamils stand up against Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalism destroying Sri Lanka, it is not just for their own sake, but also for those Sinhala-Buddhists who remain silent today. Fundamentalism will only bring about absolute economic ruin and eventual war—history does not have a single exception to this rule.

Note: The insights and perspectives presented in this article draw inspiration from the concepts explored in Jeyamohan's article on fundamentalism. While specific references to Jeyamohan's work may not be provided, the ideas discussed here reflect the broader discourse on fundamentalism and its implications.

Unraveling the Consequences: The Ill-Fated Quest for a Sinhala-Buddhist Sri Lanka

I actually feel sympathy for those individuals who desired to transform the entirety of Sri Lanka into a Sinhala-Buddhist nation. Over the past two months, I have been researching instances of similar attempts to engineer societies in other countries and examining their ultimate outcomes. Such endeavours yield both short-term and long-term consequences in other countries. We have already witnessed the successful realization of the short-term consequences: civil war and economic deterioration. Looking at the long-term implications in such countries, there are two possible scenarios. 

The first involves the fragmentation of the country into two or more separate nations, while the second entails being absorbed or annexed by another country. In the case of Sri Lanka, this could manifest as the country splitting into two states or India annexing Sri Lanka. Both outcomes are equally plausible, although I believe the latter is more likely. Several indicators point towards this possibility. In a contemporary context, three indicators are present before a country is annexed. Firstly, there must be internal divisions within the population. Secondly, the economy must be failing. Lastly, a rising superpower in close proximity is necessary. In Sri Lanka, all three indicators align. All indications strongly suggest this inevitable long-term outcome. 

Generally, individuals tend to have difficulty envisioning events beyond their own lifetimes. In the grand scheme of history, a human lifetime is merely a fleeting moment, during which significant changes rarely occur.  It saddens me that I won't be alive to witness the moment when these Sinhala-Buddhist nationalists realize the consequences of their actions.

Note - I have previously written an article exploring the geopolitical factors that impact the sovereignty of Sri Lanka. For a clearer understanding, I encourage you to give it a read (link).

Challenging Sri Lanka's Archaeological Narrative: Towards Inclusive Governance

The resignation of the DG of the Archaeology Department brings a bittersweet relief. After 75 long years, a Sri Lankan head of state has finally acknowledged the existence of Tamil Buddhist sites in the country, a historical fact that should have been recognized earlier. However, there is still so much more that needs to be addressed. In present-day Sri Lanka, archaeology predominantly serves the interests of contemporary Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. Archaeological research must avoid using modern ethnic labels imposed by European colonialism to describe events of the past, as it distorts historical accuracy.

The conflict surrounding the discovery of Buddhist sites in the North and East of Sri Lanka stems from the attempt to intertwine religion and ethnicity as inseparable. The presence of Buddhist archaeological sites in the regions where Tamils reside today does not automatically prove the presence of Sinhalese in the past. Unfortunately, many Sinhala-Buddhists maintain the belief that Buddhism in Sri Lanka is exclusively for the Sinhalese, refusing to accept that Tamils were also Buddhists in ancient times because the majority of Tamils now identify as Hindu or Christian.

The past is not a singular entity; it comprises diverse narratives within an archaeological site. However, the work carried out by the Archaeological Department in Sri Lanka predominantly seeks to construct an imagined Sinhala-Buddhist past, neglecting the changes in identities that have occurred over centuries due to political, economic, cultural, and ecological factors. This narrow view of associating a specific site with a particular community in a timeless manner is not an act of scholarship but rather a manifestation of racism.

The modern scientific investigation of archaeological sites in Sri Lanka can be traced back to the British colonial era. The study of the island's historical sites was not solely driven by the pursuit of knowledge; rather, it served as a means of exerting control over the present through understanding the past. Regrettably, the Sri Lankan state continues to employ similar tactics today. A mere glimpse at the Department of Archaeology's emblem reveals the type of historical site that receives state support, often at the expense of other archaeological sites. This prioritization reinforces a Sinhala-Buddhist narrative of Sri Lankan history.

Under the guise of archaeology, minority communities are being deprived of their cultural and religious spaces, as well as their livelihoods. This blatant discrimination is nothing short of racism. The centralized and militarized approach to archaeological work in the country must come to an end. The Archaeology Department has perpetuated and enabled Sinhalization for decades, with racism and disregard for the law deeply ingrained in its institution, processes, and practices. The actions of the Director align with the organization's ethos and practices, emphasizing the need for institutional reform.

The Archaeology Department collaborates with the Wildlife Department and Forests Department to seize private lands in the North and East, as well as lands historically used by local communities for agriculture. It is crucial to move beyond the grandstanding of presidents and sporadic orders for release, towards comprehensive institutional reform. Presidents may change, but the system and institution remain constant.

We can only hope that the forthcoming national plan for archaeology conservation and restoration, which the President has assured, will finally address these long-standing issues. Unfortunately, certain individuals on social media continue to make baseless claims, suggesting that Ranil intentionally undermines the Buddhist heritage in Sri Lanka to appease Tamils. Such racist and misguided sentiments exemplify the challenges faced by Sri Lanka as a whole.

While I acknowledge Ranil's efforts in this matter, they lack effectiveness without comprehensive systemic and constitutional changes in the governance of the country. These decisions are transient, much like certain positive steps taken for reconciliation between 2015 and 2019 that were later reversed by subsequent leaders. Even if Ranil were to halt land grabbing today, there is a risk that another president, capitalizing on Sinhala Buddhist support, might reintroduce such practices tomorrow, discrediting Ranil's actions as mere attempts to gain Tamil votes. 

That is why it is crucial to implement comprehensive systemic and constitutional changes in the governance of the country. Merely addressing isolated issues or relying on the actions of individual leaders will not suffice. To truly bring about lasting change, the entire system needs to undergo reform. Without such fundamental changes, the cycle of discrimination and marginalization will persist, undermining any progress made in the name of reconciliation.